As an iconic place in New Orleans, the French Quarter has been a particularly active battleground. Repeated attempts by public authorities to regulate sound in New Orleans are not new and have come in waves in the past. The actors who are involved struggle over their role in the place-making process through distinct perceptions of noise, of the uniqueness of the city, and more broadly of the nature of public space. I contend that the notions of place and public space as a locus of contestation is central to the ongoing discussion concerning sound, which revolves around competing visions of the legal, economic, symbolic, and social dimensions of place. In the fall of 2012, the situation prompted the emergence of a new force in this public debate, the Music and Culture Coalition in New Orleans. The resulting litigation has brought to light conflicting agendas among different protagonists of the urban arena, including the municipal administration (the city, the city council, and the New Orleans Police Department ), actors involved in the music scene, and neighborhood associations. This article explores the increased enforcement of legislation pertaining to noise, zoning, and alcohol with respect to live music and cultural performances in New Orleans. At the same time, the decline in the national music industry, which has fallen from being a $14 billion industry to $6 billion over the past 10 years, forces musicians to broaden their earning potential and orient themselves toward economic development. This precarious condition is also illustrated by the percentage of uninsured musicians, which is higher than the national average, a situation aggravated by low local union membership. They also face additional challenges due to lack of education, health insurance, and criminal records, and they struggle more specifically in the music field with a lack of computer and marketing skills and a “gig-to-gig mentality.” Nonmusical employment is a necessity, and in fact 40% of local musicians work in music instruction.
In fact, the nonprofit organization Sweet Home New Orleans (SHNO), a leading service provider for musicians that disbanded in 2013 for lack of funding, characterized its clients as a “working poor community.” 5 Income remains at or near poverty level, although it is rising slowly, with an average of $17,000 a year for individuals in 2011. Their pivotal role as emblems of the city, however, contrasts with their position in the public sphere, their lack of economic benefits, and the litigations between public authorities and music actors that have intensified since 2010. On the front lines of “cultural entrepreneurs,” New Orleans musicians have dominated post-Katrina tourist promotion. This report was issued by the Office of Cultural Economy, which was created that same year by Landrieu as the self-appointed “ambassador of music.” These initiatives expanded continuous efforts during his previous mandate as lieutenant governor to foster the notion of “cultural economy” as a valuable asset, a political strategy that predated Katrina and Rita but that the disasters reinforced. 4 It found that there were 26,199 gigs in 2011, excluding private events, parades, and street performances.
The city counted 4,000 independent musicians, 400 Social Aid and Pleasure Clubs members, and an estimated 300 Mardi Gras Indians. In fact, the cultural sector was one of the few industries that experienced positive employment growth during that time period. 2 Landrieu’s report established that cultural economy 3 represented 12.5% of the total workforce (28,000 jobs), a number that has grown since 2009. In 2010, Mayor Mitch Landrieu released the first snapshot of New Orleans’ cultural economy.
1 For the past few years, the Louisiana state and the city governments have presented themselves as a forceful supporters of music and culture.
“No America, we will not turn that music down,” proclaims the Louisiana Office of Tourism to promote a series of musical events throughout 2013.